Muslims For A Safe America

By Kamran Memon

Introduction

Since 9/11, America has wondered where American Muslims stand on issues relating to national security and whose side American Muslims are on in the “War on Terror.”

After all, tapes attributed to Al Qaeda have claimed responsibility for the 9/11 attacks. Citing Qur’anic verses and sayings of Prophet Muhammad, statements attributed to Al Qaeda have also called on Muslims to take up arms against Americans, and a small number of American Muslims have been convicted (rightly or wrongly) of assisting Al Qaeda. All this makes many Americans wonder about Islamic beliefs on issues like violence and loyalty to a non-Muslim, secular state like America. Surveys have shown that many Americans of other faiths (or no faith) are convinced that American Muslims in general pose a threat to America.

Doubts about the commitment of American Muslims to America’s safety and security are often expressed in the form of governmental scrutiny as well as discrimination, hate crimes, and suspicious stares. Many American Muslims fear a significant backlash in the event of another terrorist attack on American soil.

This rejection by other Americans further complicates matters for many American Muslims, who already feel unsure about their relationship with America. Although America has provided many American Muslims with freedom and opportunity and helped Muslims in various parts of the world, America has also invaded various Muslim countries resulting in the deaths of thousands of Muslim civilians, supported dictatorships in various Muslim countries, and supported people of other faiths over Muslims in various conflicts around the world. In addition, America has cracked down on various American Muslim organizations and individuals since 9/11. America’s mixed record towards Muslims has left many American Muslims feeling alienated and uneasy. There are also some American Muslims who feel alienated from America for theological reasons.

Put on the defensive, American Muslim leaders have largely responded to these tensions within American society and within the Muslim community by saying “Islam means peace” and by saying that American Muslims are committed to American security. There has, however, been little attempt to encourage open, sustained, grassroots discussion among American Muslims about these issues.

This report presents the findings of a recent survey of some American Muslims on their views regarding:
o their relationship with America
o the September 11, 2001 attacks and other attacks and alleged plots
o Al Qaeda and its motivations
o controversial law enforcement tactics
o post-9/11 government surveillance of the American Muslim community
o Iranian nuclear weapons
o the American invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan
o violence against various types of American targets

We surveyed a sample of attendees at the Islamic Society of North America’s 43rd Annual Convention, the largest annual gathering of American Muslims in America. ISNA Convention attendees are diverse in terms of religiosity, gender, ethnicity, age, and geography. ISNA Convention attendees come to the Convention for a variety of educational and social reasons.

This survey was not necessarily representative of the entire American Muslim community, because ISNA Convention attendees who visited the Muslims For A Safe America booth are not necessarily representative of the American Muslim community as a whole. Nonetheless, the results do give us a general idea of what some American Muslims are thinking. While the specific percentages can be challenged because the survey was not scientific, the general trends that are revealed may provide food for thought.

While phone surveys of Muslims conducted by polling firms have the benefit of reaching a diverse pool, our survey had a potential advantage over those phone surveys. When polling firms call Muslim homes, phone respondents are aware that the questioners know their identities. Therefore, cautious respondents may be less willing to take unpopular positions. In contrast, our survey was completely anonymous, so respondents may have felt more comfortable expressing their true views.

Where previous surveys of American Muslims or Muslims in America asked similar questions, our findings are generally in line with their findings. However, we did ask some questions that have not been previously asked in other surveys of American Muslims or Muslims in America.

Our results showed consensus on some issues, like respondents’ views about America, controversial law enforcement tactics, government surveillance, American foreign policy, and violence against American targets. Respondents were more divided on other issues, like Muslim responsibility for 9/11 and the 2005 London bombings, and Iranian nuclear weapons. Some of the results reflect the pain, tension, and anger felt by some respondents regarding the American government’s actions in the Muslim world.

These results will provoke a variety of responses. Some Muslims will condemn those respondents whose views they disagree with, and they will criticize us for sharing these results with the public. (Of course, criticizing the responses or shooting the messenger will not cause these views to go away.) Other Muslims will try to understand what caused respondents to answer the way they did, and they will try to formulate ways to proactively help American Muslims address the tensions reflected in the responses.

Similarly, some Americans of other faiths will condemn those respondents whose views they disagree with, and they will argue that there can be no peaceful coexistence with American Muslims; they will also condemn us for trying to understand the views of respondents they disagree with, by saying that we are trying to justify those views. Others will acknowledge the diversity of American Muslim views, and they will look for ways to open a serious and substantive dialogue with like-minded, concerned American Muslims about where we go from here as a country.

Needless to say, we hope that more readers choose constructive, rather than destructive, approaches.

Methodology

Muslims For A Safe America, a not-for-profit organization based in Illinois, conducted an anonymous, multiple-choice survey at the Islamic Society of North America’s 43rd Annual Convention in Chicago from September 1, 2006 to September 4, 2006. Hundreds of Muslims who visited the booth were asked to fill out the one-page, two-sided, multiple-choice survey. Three hundred and seven (307) Muslims who are American citizens participated in the survey. (Another twelve surveys which had only page one, or part of page one, completed were not tabulated. In addition, another nine surveys filled out by Muslims who are not U.S. citizens were not tabulated. Finally, one completed survey did not indicate whether a U.S. citizen filled it out; that survey was not tabulated.)

Percentages were calculated and then rounded off. When rounding off led to total percentages of either 99% or 101%, the percentage of those who “Did Not Answer” was rounded up or down to bring the percentage total to 100%.

I. Views Regarding America

This set of questions explored how respondents perceive their relationship with America and the American government. The majority of respondents appear to be simultaneously alienated and optimistic.

We asked the following question: “Do you consider yourself to be a Muslim first, an American first, or both equally?”

As the graph shows, more than two-thirds (70%) of respondents said they view themselves as Muslim first; over a quarter (28%) said they view themselves as equally Muslim and American; a small percentage (1%) view themselves as American first.

Prioritization of their religious identity could signal that the majority of respondents identify more with other Muslims in the U.S. and around the world than they identify with Americans of other faiths. This finding raises a question about whether the majority of respondents would prioritize the interests of Muslims in America (or Muslims overseas) above the interests of Americans of other faiths.

These results were somewhat in line with the findings of a 2007 Pew Research Center study, which found that 47% of U.S. Muslims consider themselves Muslims first; 18% think of themselves as equally Muslim and American; and 28% think of themselves as Americans first. (Pew also reports that a 2006 study showed that 42% of Christian Americans think of themselves as Christians first; 48% said they are Americans first.)

Our study and the Pew study both found that “Muslim first” received the largest number of responses, although the percentage in our study was significantly higher. The Pew study found that a significant minority consider themselves to be American first; that contradicts our results. One possible explanation for the differing results is the difference in samples. Another possible explanation is that the Pew Research Center study was conducted through phone calls to Muslim homes; the respondents were aware that the questioners knew their identities. Therefore, they may have been hesitant to take the “politically incorrect” position that they were Muslim first rather than American first. (The Pew Research Center study states in its Methodology section, “The intense attention paid to Muslims in the aftermath of 9/11 may have made them more reluctant to cooperate with a survey request from an unknown caller.”) In contrast, our survey was completely anonymous, and conducted by Muslims, so respondents may have felt more comfortable expressing their views.

Another question we asked about views regarding America was: “Is the American government at war with the religion of Islam?”

As the graph shows, more than two-thirds (68%) of respondents said that their government, the U.S. government, is at war with their religion, Islam; over a quarter (26%) said the government is not at war with Islam; less than one-tenth (6%) did not answer.

Since Islam is the primary identity for the majority of respondents, and since the majority believes that U.S. government is at war with Islam, this finding suggests that that the majority of respondents are deeply alienated from their government, and view their government as hostile. This raises questions about how the majority of respondents intend to deal with the U.S. government. For example, will they work to peacefully change the government’s perceived hostility to Islam? Will they get involved in the war on the side of “Islam”? Or does their concern about this “war on Islam” run only skin deep?

These results were supported by the findings of the 2007 Pew Research Center study, which found that 55% of Muslims in America do not believe the war on terrorism is a sincere attempt to reduce international terrorism; 26% say the war on terrorism is a sincere attempt to reduce international terrorism. In addition, a 2006 CAIR Research Center/Genesis Research Associates survey found that 55% of American Muslim voters believe the War on Terror has become a war on Islam.

Earlier polling of Muslims in America showed that smaller percentages believed that America is at war with Islam. A 2004 Project MAPS: Muslims in American Public Square/Zogby International poll of Muslims living in America showed that a plurality, 38%, believed the U.S. was fighting a war against Islam rather than a war on terror; 33% said it was a war on terrorism; 29% were undecided. Earlier, a 2002 Hamilton College/Zogby International poll of Muslims (mostly U.S. citizens but also some non-citizens) living in America showed that 32.7% believed that the U.S. response to 9/11 was a war on Islam rather than a war on terror; 40.3% said it was a war on terror; 11% said it was both a war on Islam and a war on terror.

On a related note, according to a national 2006 Pew Research Center for the People & the Press survey, 40% of Americans believe that America is in a major conflict against “the people of Islam”; 49% believe America is in a major conflict with a “small, radical group.”

We also asked a third question about views regarding America: “Can a good Muslim be a good American?”

As the graph shows, almost all (95%) of the respondents said that a good Muslim can be a good American; a small percentage (4%) said that a good Muslim cannot be a good American. Of course, each respondent defined the terms “good Muslim” and “good American” for himself or herself.

Although the majority of respondents place greater weight on their religion than on their citizenship, and although they believe their government is at war with their religion, the vast majority of respondents still believe that Muslim values (i.e. what it takes to be a good Muslim) are compatible with American values (i.e. what it takes to be a good American). Presumably this means that, although they are alienated from the government, they are not alienated from America, and they willing to work to make the American Muslim experiment work.

II. Views Regarding 9/11

This set of questions explored respondents’ beliefs about the September 11, 2001 attacks. The respondents are strongly divided about what happened on 9/11, and that obviously colors their views of the legitimacy of the U.S. government’s response to 9/11.

We asked the following question: “Did Muslims hijack planes and fly them into buildings on 9/11?”

As the graph shows, a plurality (45%) of respondents said that Muslims did not hijack planes and fly them into buildings on 9/11; more than one-third (38%) said Muslims did hijack planes and fly them into buildings; almost one-fifth (17%) did not answer.

A significant percentage of respondents reject the commonly accepted belief that Muslims were the 9/11 hijackers. This certainly impacts the way they view the U.S. government’s domestic and international response to 9/11.

At the same time, a significant percentage of respondents believe that Muslims did hijack the planes. These respondents may therefore be more understanding of the U.S. government’s domestic and international response to 9/11.

Some respondents found some ambiguity in this question; while answering the survey, a few respondents asked us whether the purpose of this question was to assess whether the hijackers were “real Muslims” or were “really following Islamic teachings.” These respondents were told that the question was intended to ask whether the hijackers self-identified as Muslims. Not all respondents requested this clarification; therefore, some who answered that Muslims did not hijack the planes may have answered in this way because of this ambiguity in the question.

Our results were somewhat in line with the results of the 2007 Pew Research Center study, which found that 28% of Muslim Americans say Arabs did not carry out the attacks; 40% say Arabs carried out the attacks; 32% did not answer. In addition, a 2002 Hamilton College/Zogby International poll of Muslims (citizens and non-citizens) living in America found that 21.8% said Al Qaeda did not carry out the attacks; 34% of Muslims said Al Qaeda carried out the 9/11 attacks; and 44.2% were undecided.

Our results were similar to the Pew and Zogby results in that approximately the same percentage in all three polls said that Muslims/Arabs/Al Qaeda carried out the attacks. However, in our survey, a plurality said that Muslims did not carry out the attacks, while those numbers were smaller in the Pew and Zogby surveys. That discrepancy could be explained by the fact that large percentages of respondents were unwilling to answer the question in the Pew and Zogby surveys. This may be because the Pew and Zogby studies were conducted through phone calls to Muslim homes; the respondents were aware that the questioners knew their identities. Therefore, they may have been hesitant to take the “politically incorrect” position that Al Qaeda did not carry out the attacks. (The Pew study states in its Methodology section, “The intense attention paid to Muslims in the aftermath of 9/11 may have made them more reluctant to cooperate with a survey request from an unknown caller.”) In contrast, our survey was completely anonymous, and conducted by Muslims, so respondents may have felt more comfortable expressing their views.

Recent polling in the Muslim world shows similar views to those expressed in our survey. A 2006 Pew Global Attitudes survey found that majorities in several Muslim countries believe that Arabs did not carry out the 9/11 attacks. In addition, 56% of British Muslims do not believe Arabs carried out the attacks; 17% believe Arabs did carry out the attacks.

Another question we asked about American Muslim views regarding 9/11 was: “Did the U.S. government have advance knowledge of the 9/11 attacks, and allow the attacks to occur?”

As the graph shows, almost two-thirds (65%) of respondents said the U.S. government had advance knowledge of the 9/11 attacks, and allowed the attacks to occur; almost a quarter (23%) said the U.S. did not have advance knowledge; more than one-tenth (12%) did not answer.

The majority of respondents are deeply suspicious about the U.S. government. Presumably they believe the U.S. government allowed the 9/11 attacks to occur, in order to justify increased law enforcement powers domestically and greater imperialism abroad. This certainly impacts the way they view the U.S. government’s domestic and international response to 9/11.

At least some of those who believe Muslims carried out the 9/11 attacks also believe the government allowed the attacks to occur.

Anecdotally, we believe that a relatively small number of American Muslims are actively involved in the “9/11 Truth Movement;” if so many respondents believe that the government allowed the attacks to occur, why aren’t more of them involved in the “Truth Movement”? Are they content to sit back and let the government get away with such atrocities?

On the other hand, the fact that almost a quarter of respondents don’t believe the government allowed the attacks to occur shows that a significant percentage of respondents have some degree of trust in the government. These respondents may be more understanding of the U.S. government’s domestic and international response to 9/11.

Of course, the majority of respondents are not alone in their suspicion about the government. A 2004 Zogby International poll showed that 49.3% of New York City residents and 41% of New York State residents believed the U.S. government had advance knowledge of the 9/11 attacks, and allowed the attacks to occur.

A 2006 Zogby International poll showed that 42% of Americans believe the U.S. government and the 9/11 Commission are covering up critical evidence about what really happened on 9/11; 48% believe there is no cover-up; 10% are undecided. 45% said Congress or an international tribunal should re-investigate the attacks, including whether any U.S. government officials consciously allowed the attacks or helped facilitate their success; 47% said there has already been a thorough investigation, and speculation about U.S. government involvement is nonsense; 8% are undecided.

A 2006 New York Times/CBS News poll showed that 53% of Americans believe that the Bush Administration is hiding some of what it knew before 9/11 regarding possible terrorist attacks against America. 28% believe the Bush Administration is lying about what it knew before 9/11 regarding possible terrorist attacks against America. 16% believe the Bush Administration is being honest about what it knew before 9/11 regarding possible terrorist attacks against America.

We also asked a third question about views regarding 9/11: “Did the U.S. government organize the 9/11 attacks?”

As the graph shows, almost half (49%) of respondents said the U.S. did not organize the 9/11 attacks; more than one-third (35%) said the U.S. government did organize the 9/11 attacks; almost one-fifth (16%) did not answer.

This finding raises the same issues as the preceding finding.

A fourth question we asked about American Muslim views regarding 9/11 was: “Are the tapes of Osama Bin Laden, claiming responsibility for the 9/11 attacks and threatening future attacks, real or fake?”

As the graph shows, a plurality (42%) said the tapes of Osama Bin Laden, claiming responsibility for the 9/11 attacks and threatening future attacks, are fake; an almost equal number (41%) said the tapes are real; almost one-fifth (17%) did not answer.

These tapes appear to be closely linked to the respondents’ thinking about 9/11. Those who believe the tapes are fake, and that the tapes are therefore an attempt to frame Muslims, are more likely to believe Muslims were not involved in the attacks, and that the U.S. government played some role. Those who believe the tapes are real are more likely to think the opposite.

At least some of those who believe the tapes are real also believe the government allowed the attacks to occur. This feeds into the theory that Muslims did carry out the 9/11 attacks, but only because the government allowed it to happen.

Those who believe that tapes threatening future attacks are fake are presumably less likely to support American post-9/11 domestic and international measures.

III. Views Regarding Other Attacks Against Western Civilians

This set of questions explored respondents’ views on attacks and alleged plots against Western civilians outside the U.S. Most respondents are skeptical about Muslim involvement in such attacks and plots.

We asked the following question: “Did Muslims commit the July 2005 train and bus bombings in London?”

As the graph shows, less than half (46%) of respondents said Muslims committed the July 2005 train and bus bombings in London; more than one-third (34%) said no; one-fifth (20%) did not answer.

This raises a question about why almost half the respondents are willing to believe that Muslims committed the London bombings, but fewer believe Muslims committed the 9/11 attacks. One argument, heard frequently from American Muslims, is that Muslims did not have the organizational or technical skills to carry out the complex 9/11 attacks (which involved flying multiple commercial planes into buildings). Because the London bombings did not require the same level of skill as the 9/11 attacks, this may help explain the gap.

Another question we asked about views regarding attacks on Western civilians was: “The Canadian government says it stopped a plot by Canadian Muslims in June 2006 to attack targets in Canada. Do you believe there was a real plot by Muslims?”

As the graph shows, two-thirds (66%) of respondents said there was no such plot by Muslims; one-fifth (20%) said there was a plot by Muslims; more than one-tenth (14%) did not answer.

We also asked a third question about views regarding attacks on Western civilians: “The British government says it stopped a plot by British Muslims in August 2006 to bomb planes flying to America. Do you believe there was a real plot by Muslims?”

As the graph shows, almost two-thirds (62%) of respondents said there was no such plot by Muslims; more than one-fifth (21%) said there was a plot by Muslims; almost one-fifth (17%) did not answer.

This finding raises a question about why almost half the respondents are willing to believe that Muslims committed the London bombings, but much fewer believe the Canadian and British allegations of other plots. Perhaps it’s because seeing is believing. The respondents may be more willing to believe that Muslims carried out a plot after the attack occurs, but less willing to believe official claims about alleged plots.

IV. Views Regarding Al Qaeda

This set of questions explored respondents’ views of Al Qaeda and its motivations. Respondents are divided about the existence of Al Qaeda. Assuming Al Qaeda exists, most respondents believe its anti-American hostility is motivated by American foreign policy.

We asked the following question: “Is Al Qaeda a real organization, operated by Muslims who are trying to attack America?”

As the graph shows, less than half (49%) of respondents said Al Qaeda is a real organization, operated by Muslims who are trying to attack America; more than one-third (36%) said Al Qaeda is not a real organization, operated by Muslims who are trying to attack America; almost one-fifth (15%) did not answer.

At least some of those who believe Al Qaeda is real also believe the government allowed the 9/11 attacks to occur. This feeds into the theory that Muslims did carry out the 9/11 attacks, but only because the government allowed it to happen.

A significant percentage of respondents have doubts that Al Qaeda is real. This certainly impacts the way they view the U.S. government’s domestic and international response to 9/11.

Another question we asked about views regarding Al Qaeda was: “Is Al Qaeda attacking America because Al Qaeda hates American freedoms?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority of respondents (88%) said that Al Qaeda is not attacking America because of hostility to American freedoms; a small percentage (6%) said Al Qaeda is attacking America because of hostility to American freedoms.

A third question we asked about views regarding Al Qaeda was: “Is Al Qaeda attacking America because Al Qaeda hates American involvement in the Muslim world?”

As the graph shows, almost three-quarters (74%) of respondents said that Al Qaeda is attacking America because of hostility to American involvement in the Muslim world; almost one-fifth (18%) said Al Qaeda is not attacking America because of hostility to American involvement in the Muslim world.

As these last two questions show, very few respondents agree with President Bush’s view that Al Qaeda is attacking America because Al Qaeda hates our freedoms. Instead, many respondents believe Al Qaeda is attacking America because Al Qaeda hates American involvement in the Muslim world. Presumably, most respondents would therefore argue that America can avoid Al Qaeda attacks by changing American policies towards the Muslim world. However, anecdotal evidence shows that, while individual Muslims do have policy preferences on specific foreign policy issues, American Muslims have not attempted to reach a grassroots consensus on what over-arching policy America should adopt towards the Muslim world, to make both the Muslim world and America safer (i.e. should America completely disengage from the Muslim world, or remain involved but modify its approach?).

Furthermore, based on anecdotal evidence, it appears that American Muslims at the grassroots have not made much of an effort to convince their elected representatives that Al Qaeda is not attacking America because of our freedoms.

Some respondents may have found these last two survey questions, about the possible reasons for Al Qaeda’s hostility to America, problematic. Some of the “no” or “did not answer” responses to both questions may have been from respondents who believe that Al Qaeda is not real; in the minds of those respondents, there would be no basis for asking why Al Qaeda is attacking America.

Furthermore, there appears to be a discrepancy between the responses to two of the questions. Only 49% said that Al Qaeda is a real organization, operated by Muslims who are trying to attack America; but 74% said Al Qaeda is attacking America because Al Qaeda hates American involvement in the Muslim world. This means that some respondents who said that Al Qaeda is not a real organization operated by Muslims also said Al Qaeda is attacking America due to American involvement in the Muslim world. Perhaps this is because of the same ambiguity raised by the earlier question on whether Muslims hijacked planes on 9/11; just as some respondents wondered whether the purpose of that question was to assess whether the hijackers were “real Muslims” or were “really following Islamic teachings,” perhaps some of those who said that Al Qaeda was not a real organization operated by Muslims believe that those operating Al Qaeda are not “real Muslims” or “really following Islamic teachings.”

V. Views Regarding Civil Liberties v. National Security

This set of questions explored respondents’ views on various controversial law enforcement tactics, which the government says are needed to help prevent terrorist attacks. The vast majority of respondents said that these tactics are unjustifiable; on the other hand, more than one-tenth of respondents said most of these tactics are justifiable.

We asked the following question: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: a. taking religion and ethnicity into account as one factor when deciding whom to interview and search at airports?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (84%) of respondents said the government should not take religion and ethnicity into account as one factor when deciding whom to interview and search at airports; more than one-tenth (12%) said this tactic is justifiable.

This finding puts the respondents to the left of the general public, which is almost evenly divided on the use of these factors. According to a September 2006 ABC News poll, 47% of Americans think authorities should be permitted to use religion and ethnicity in deciding whom to search at airports; 49% say no.

We also asked the following question regarding views on law enforcement tactics: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: b. monitoring activities at American mosques?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (83%) of respondents said the government should not monitor activities at mosques; more than one-tenth (14%) said this tactic is justifiable.

The respondents are to the left of the general public on this issue. A 2004 Cornell University poll showed that 26% of Americans said mosques should be closely monitored by U.S. law enforcement agencies.

We also asked the following question regarding views on law enforcement tactics: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: c. listening to phone calls of people in America whom the government claims are connected in some way with Al Qaeda?”

As the graph shows, more than three-quarters (76%) of respondents said the government should not listen to phone calls of people in America whom the government claims are connected in some way with Al Qaeda; more than one-fifth (21%) said this tactic is justifiable.

Of the eight law enforcement tactics that respondents were questioned about, this tactic received the highest percentage of “yes” responses from respondents. Nonetheless, respondents are to the left of the general public on this issue. A May 2006 CBS News poll showed that 69% of Americans are willing to allow the government to monitor the telephone calls and e-mails of Americans whom the government is suspicious of; 26% would not allow it.

We also asked the following question regarding views on law enforcement tactics: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: d. having an informer pretend to support or encourage violence against America, to see if the targeted Muslims will decide to attack American targets?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (84%) of respondents said the government should not use informers who pretend to support or encourage violence against America, to see if the targeted Muslims will decide to engage in attacks; more than one-tenth (11%) said this tactic is justifiable.

We also asked the following question regarding views on law enforcement tactics: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: e. monitoring Muslim charities in America, in the hopes of preventing funding for possible terrorist attacks?”

As the graph shows, more than three-quarters (79%) of respondents said the government should not monitor Muslim charities in America, in the hopes of preventing funding for possible terrorist attacks; almost one-fifth (17%) said this tactic is justifiable.

We also asked the following question regarding views on law enforcement tactics: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: f. focusing Immigration & Customs Enforcement resources on deporting Muslim illegal aliens, who have not been convicted of terrorism, in the hopes of disrupting possible Al Qaeda attacks?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (86%) of respondents said the government should not focus Immigration & Customs Enforcement resources on deporting Muslim illegal aliens, who have not been convicted of terrorism, in the hopes of disrupting possible Al Qaeda attacks; less than one-tenth (9%) said this tactic is justifiable.

We also asked the following question regarding views on law enforcement tactics: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: g. allowing Muslim illegal aliens to stay in America if they agree to work as informants, monitoring the Muslim community for the government?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (90%) of respondents said the government should not allow Muslim illegal aliens to stay in America in exchange for their agreement to work as informants, monitoring the Muslim community for the government; less than one-tenth (7%) said this tactic is justifiable.

We also asked the following question regarding views on law enforcement tactics: “Is it justifiable for the U.S. government to do any of the following in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America: h. torturing suspected Al Qaeda members to get information about possible planned attacks?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (91%) of respondents said the government should not torture suspected Al Qaeda members to get information about possible planned attacks; a small percentage (5%) said this tactic is justifiable.

This finding on torture puts respondents to the left of the general public. According to a September 2006 CBS News/New York Times poll, 35% of Americans believe it is sometimes justified to use torture to get information from a suspected terrorist; 56% believe it is never justified.

Overall, those respondents who believe that Al Qaeda is not real and that Muslims did not carry out the 9/11 attacks understandably believe there is no reason for the government to use tactics focused on Muslims.

But some respondents – who do believe that Al Qaeda is real, that Al Qaeda seeks to carry out more attacks, and that Muslims carried out the 9/11 attacks – also oppose the use of these tactics. Perhaps they oppose these tactics because they believe these tactics are ineffective. After all, some security experts argue that taking religion into account at airports distracts security personnel from watching for suspicious behaviors. Similarly, as the 9/11 Commission indicates regarding the alleged hijackers, if there are plots being hatched, they are not necessarily being hatched inside mosques. Some experts argue that torture produces false information.

Alternatively, perhaps these respondents – who do believe that Al Qaeda is real, that Al Qaeda seeks to carry out more attacks, and that Muslims carried out the 9/11 attacks – oppose these tactics because they fear that innocent Muslims could be wrongly targeted by these government tactics. After all, post-9/11 American law enforcement efforts have often been targeted at Muslims in America, including some Muslims who have no connection to terrorism. For example, anecdotal evidence shows that American Muslims are suspicious that law enforcement uses sting operations not just to learn about ongoing plots, but to actually encourage and promote plots (entrapment) where none existed. (Anecdotal evidence also shows that American Muslims are also uncomfortable about the idea of Muslim informants working against other Muslims; such intra-community surveillance generates mistrust among Muslims.) Authorities have arrested Muslims for purchasing large numbers of cell phones, based on the belief that Muslims could have no legitimate need to purchase large numbers of cell phones. Immigration authorities have focused on Muslim illegal aliens (in the sweep immediately after 9/11 and then later during Special Registration), who have been detained, physically abused, and deported, even though they have been found pose no threat to the U.S.

However, this doesn’t mean that all the tactics cited in the survey are ineffective in preventing terrorist attacks; in fact, the Bush Administration says that wiretapping and torture have helped prevent terrorist attacks. So the question arises as to whether most of these respondents – who do believe that Al Qaeda is real, that Al Qaeda seeks to carry out more attacks, and that Muslims carried out the 9/11 attacks – are willing to support any security measures that place a burden on American Muslims.

Anecdotal evidence shows that American Muslims (like many other Americans) believe that the Bush Administration generally lacks good judgment; perhaps these respondents would be more comfortable giving these powers to a future administration that inspires more confidence. Or maybe not.

Interestingly, more than ten percent of respondents said most of these law enforcement tactics are justifiable, in an attempt to prevent terrorist attacks in America. This group may believe that future terrorist attacks could kill American Muslims and their families, and future terrorist attacks could lead to a bigger backlash against American Muslims. This perspective is rarely represented in statements by American Muslim leaders, even though these Muslims are present at events like the ISNA Convention. Perhaps they are not sharing their views with Muslim leaders.

Overall, the respondents are to the left of the general public on views regarding law enforcement tactics. According to an August 2006 Pew Research Center for the People & the Press survey, 55% of Americans believe the government has not gone far enough to protect the country; 26% believe that civil liberties have been too restricted.

VI. Views Regarding Government Surveillance

This set of questions explored respondents’ beliefs regarding post-9/11 government surveillance of the American Muslim community. The majority believe they, and their local Muslim communities, have been subjected to some government surveillance.

We asked the following question: “Do you believe that your local mosque is being monitored by wiretaps, government agents, or informants?”

As the graph shows, almost three-quarters (74%) of respondents believe their local mosque is being monitored by wiretaps, government agents, or informants; almost one-fifth (19%) do not believe their local mosque is being monitored by wiretaps, government agents, or informants.

Another question we asked about views regarding surveillance was: “Do you believe that your personal phone calls are being listened to, or that your personal mail or email is being read, by the U.S. government?”

As the graph shows, more than two-thirds (67%) of respondents believe their personal phone calls are being listened to, or that their personal mail or email is being read, by the U.S. government; one-quarter (25%) do not believe their personal phone calls are being listened to, or that their personal mail or email is being read, by the U.S. government; almost one-tenth (8%) did not answer.

These respondents are more concerned about such scrutiny than the general public is. A May 2006 Fox News/Opinion Dynamics poll showed that 30% of Americans believe the government is listening to their phone conversations; 56% said no. A May 2006 CNN poll showed that 9% of Americans believe it is very likely that the government has listened to their phone calls; 17% believe it is somewhat likely; 24% believe it is not too likely; and 42% believe it is not at all likely.

Another question we asked about views regarding surveillance was: “Do you believe that your home is bugged by the U.S. government?”

As the graph shows, almost one-third (32%) of respondents believe their home is bugged by the U.S. government; two-thirds (62%) do not believe their home is bugged by the U.S. government.

Another question we asked about views regarding surveillance was: “Do you believe that the U.S. government has secretly searched your home?”

As the graph shows, more than one-tenth (14%) of respondents believe that the U.S. government has secretly searched their home; the vast majority (80%) do not believe that the U.S. government has secretly searched their home.

Another question we asked about views regarding surveillance was: “If you, or a member of your family, have been questioned by the federal government at any time after 9/11, how were you treated during the interview?”

As the graph shows, almost three-quarters (71%) of respondents did not indicate that they or their family members have been questioned. Almost one-third (29%) said they (or their family members) have been questioned by the federal government since 9/11. Of all respondents, more than one-fifth (21%) said they (or their family members) were treated well during questioning; almost one-tenth (8%) said they (or their family members) were treated badly during questioning.

Most respondents believe the government views them, and other American Muslims, with suspicion, and that the government has the inclination and resources to monitor large numbers of American Muslims. However, they don’t believe the surveillance has gone to the extent of authorities entering their homes to bug them or search them.

Less than one-tenth of respondents have had negative personal experiences with federal agents since 9/11, although this represents almost one-third of respondents who were questioned by federal agents. Anecdotal evidence shows that these sorts of negative encounters can harden feelings towards the government.

VII. Views Regarding Iranian Nuclear Weapons

This set of questions explored respondents’ views regarding a Muslim country whose government has been at odds with the U.S. government for decades. Tension has increased in recent years over American allegations that Iran seeks to acquire nuclear weapons. Respondents are divided on whether Iran should have nuclear weapons, but they strongly oppose an attack on Iran.

We asked the following question: “Should Iran develop nuclear weapons?”

As the graph shows, more than half (52%) of respondents said Iran should develop nuclear weapons; two-fifths (40%) said Iran should not develop nuclear weapons; almost one-tenth (8%) did not answer.

Perhaps the majority of respondents do not view Iran as a threat to America, and that’s why they believe Iran should acquire nuclear weapons. The majority of respondents may believe that the Iranian government would never use nuclear weapons, based on Islamic law restrictions. On the other hand, perhaps the majority of respondents do believe that Iranian nuclear weapons would threaten America, but that does not bother the respondents, because they view themselves as primarily Muslim, and Iran is a Muslim country that could deter American intervention in the Muslim world.

A significant percentage of respondents do oppose Iranian nuclear weapons. This may be because they believe a nuclear Iran could threaten America (including American Muslims). Or it may be due to concerns about a backlash against American Muslims if a nuclear Iran is viewed by the general public as a threat.

Another question we asked regarding views on Iranian nuclear weapons was: “Should America attack Iran to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons?”

As the graph shows, almost all (95%) respondents said America should not attack Iran to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons; a small minority (3%) said America should attack Iran to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons.

Again, perhaps the vast majority of respondents do not view Iran as a threat to America, and that’s why they believe the U.S. should not attack Iran. On the other hand, perhaps they do believe that Iranian nuclear weapons would threaten America, but other issues are more important to them. For example, they may value the fact that Iranian nuclear weapons could deter American intervention in the Muslim world. Or they may be uncomfortable about people of other faiths interfering in the Muslim world; about the weakening of a Muslim country; about the loss of Muslim life that would occur in Iran in the event of an American attack; about the backlash that would occur against American Muslims in the event of an Iran war; about a shift to the right in Iran if America attacks; or about retaliatory attacks by Iranian agents in America, leading to the deaths of American Muslims and a backlash against American Muslims.

This finding on attacking Iran puts the respondents to the left of the general public, which is divided about an attack. A June 2006 Los Angeles Times/Bloomberg poll showed that 52% of Americans would support American military action against Iran if Iran produces material that can be used to develop nuclear weapons; 37% would oppose American military action; 11% were unsure. A May 2006 FOX News/Opinion Dynamics poll shows that 48% of Americans support U.S. military action against Iran, if there is a chance that Iran could get nuclear weapons in the next few years; 44% oppose military action; 8% are unsure. An April 2006 USA Today/Gallup poll showed that 36% of Americans believe the U.S. should attack Iran if Iran insists on pursuing a nuclear program; 57% said no. An April 2006 NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll shows that 42% of Americans say America should attack Iran if Iran gets close to developing a nuclear weapon; 46% say no.

VIII. Views Regarding Iraq And Afghanistan

This set of questions explored respondents’ views of the American invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan after 9/11. Large majorities of respondents oppose these invasions; a majority want American troops out of Iraq immediately.

We asked the following question: “Was America justified in invading Iraq in 2003?”

Almost all (96%) respondents said America was not justified in invading Iraq in 2003; a small minority (3%) said America was justified in invading Iraq in 2003.

The arguments against the invasion (i.e. no weapons of mass destruction, draining resources away from the Afghanistan war and from homeland security, giving Al Qaeda a recruiting boost, turning Iraq into a training ground for Al Qaeda supporters, distracting attention from North Korea and Iran, etc.) are well known. In addition to opposing the Iraq invasion for those reasons, anecdotal evidence shows that respondents may also be uncomfortable about people of other faiths interfering in the Muslim world; about the current chaos in Iraq; about the loss of Muslim life in Iraq; about American control over Iraqi oil; or about the backlash that has occurred against some American Muslims since the Iraq war began.

These results were supported by the findings of the 2007 Pew Research Center study, which found that 75% of Muslim Americans believe that the U.S. made the wrong decision in using military force against Iraq; 12% said it was the right decision. In addition, the 2006 CAIR Research Center/Genesis Research Associates survey found that 88% of American Muslim voters believe the Iraq war was not worthwhile; 12% said the Iraq war was worthwhile. Similarly, the 2004 Project MAPS: Muslims in American Public Square/Zogby International poll of Muslims living in America showed that 81% opposed the invasion of Iraq; 13% supported the invasion; 6% were undecided. A 2002 Hamilton College/Zogby International poll of Muslims (citizens and non-citizens) living in America showed that, a year prior to the invasion of Iraq, 47.1% said the U.S. should try to remove Iraqi President Saddam Hussein from power; 40.1% disagreed. Of course, the question did not ask about a full-scale invasion.

The respondents in our poll are to the left of the general public, which is split on the Iraq invasion. According to an October 2006 Newsweek poll, 41% of Americans believe invading Iraq was the right decision; 53% believe it was the wrong decision. A September 2006 CBS News/New York Times poll showed that 44% of Americans believe invading Iraq was the right decision; 51% believe it was the wrong decision.

Perhaps this is because, as anecdotal evidence shows, American Muslims are more likely than other Americans to know that Saddam Hussein was not involved in the 9/11 attacks. According to a September 2006 CBS News/New York Times poll, 31% of Americans believe that Saddam Hussein was personally involved in the 9/11 attacks; 57% say he was not involved; 12% are unsure. According to an August/September 2006 CNN poll, 43% of Americans believe Saddam Hussein was personally involved in the 9/11 attacks; 52% say he was not involved; 6% are unsure. According to an August 2006 Time/Discovery Channel poll, 38% of Americans believe that Saddam Hussein was personally involved in the 9/11 attacks; 53% say he was not involved; 8% are unsure.

Another question we asked regarding views regarding the invasion of Iraq: “Should American troops leave Iraq immediately, or stay there until the Iraqi government and Iraqi military are stronger?”

As the graph shows, almost two-thirds (65%) of respondents said American troops should leave Iraq immediately; more than one-fourth (28%) said American troops should stay in Iraq until the Iraqi government and Iraqi military are stronger, and then leave.

While most respondents want an immediate withdrawal, this is 30% percent less than respondents who opposed the Iraq invasion. This gap suggests a concern that an immediate American withdrawal could undermine the stability of the new, democratic, multi-sectarian government of Iraq which is dependent on American forces for security and for training of Iraqi troops. The majority of respondents appear to be unconcerned about this, possibly believing that an American withdrawal would take the steam out of the Iraqi insurgency and Al Qaeda forces, or believing that the new Iraqi government should fall because it is illegitimate.

Respondents are to the left of the general public on withdrawal from Iraq. A September 2006 USA Today/Gallup polls showed that 17% of Americans want to withdraw all troops from Iraq immediately; 31% want to withdraw all troops by September 2007; 42% want troops to stay as long as necessary; 9% want to send more troops.

We asked the following question regarding the invasion of Afghanistan: “Was America justified in invading Afghanistan after 9/11?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (81%) of respondents said America was not justified in invading Afghanistan after 9/11; almost one-fifth (17%) said America was justified in invading Afghanistan after 9/11.

Fourteen percent more respondents support the invasion of Afghanistan than the invasion of Iraq, possibly because they believe that the 9/11 attacks were orchestrated from Afghanistan.

Those respondents who believe that Al Qaeda is not real and that Muslims did not carry out the 9/11 attacks understandably believe there was no reason to invade Afghanistan.

But some respondents – who do believe that Al Qaeda is real, that Al Qaeda seeks to carry out more attacks, and that Muslims carried out the 9/11 attacks – also opposed the invasion. These respondents may be uncomfortable about people of other faiths interfering in the Muslim world; about the current chaos in Afghanistan; about the loss of Muslim life in Afghanistan; about American control over an oil pipeline route; or about the backlash that has occurred against some American Muslims since the Afghan war began.

Other surveys have also found significant Muslim opposition to the invasion of Afghanistan, although they found less opposition and more support of the invasion than our survey did. The 2007 Pew Research Center study found that 48% of Muslim Americans believe that the U.S. made the wrong decision in using military force against Afghanistan; 35% said it was the right decision. In addition, the 2004 Project MAPS: Muslims in American Public Square/Zogby International poll of Muslims living in America showed that 53% opposed the invasion of Afghanistan; 35% supported the invasion; 11% were undecided. The 2002 Hamilton College/Zogby International poll of Muslims (citizens and non-citizens) living in America showed that 42.7% opposed the invasion; 51.1% supported the invasion; 6.2% were undecided. It appears that, as the years have passed, and as the conflict has dragged out, American Muslims have become less supportive of the Afghan invasion.

Our results are in line with a December 2001/January 2002 Gallup poll of Muslims in several Muslim countries, which showed that 77% said the invasion of Afghanistan was unjustified; 9% said it was justified.

The respondents in our poll are to the left of the general public on the Afghan invasion. A January 2006 Pew Research Center survey showed that 69% of Americans believe the U.S. made the right decision to invade Afghanistan; 20% said it was the wrong decision; 11% were unsure. A July 2004 CNN/USA Today/Gallup poll showed that 72% of Americans believed that invading Afghanistan was the right decision; 25% believed it was a mistake.

IX. Views Regarding Violence Against Americans

This set of questions explored respondents’ views on violence against various types of American targets, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world. The majority of respondents said violence was not justified against most American targets, although significant minorities said attacks on American military and governmental targets are acceptable. The majority said they would report a plot if they discovered one; a significant minority said they would not report a plot (or they did not answer the question).

We asked the following question: “Is violence by Muslims against American civilians acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world?”

As the graph shows, the vast majority (89%) of respondents said violence by Muslims against American civilians is not acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world; almost one-tenth (7%) said violence by Muslims against American civilians is acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world; a small percentage (4%) did not answer.

We also asked the following question regarding views on violence: “Is violence by Muslims against the American military overseas acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world?”

As the graph shows, half (50%) of respondents said violence by Muslims against the American military overseas is not acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world; almost half (44%) said violence by Muslims against the American military overseas is acceptable; a small percentage (6%) did not answer.

We also asked the following question regarding views on violence: “Is violence by Muslims against the American military in the U.S. acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world?”

As the graph shows, more than two-thirds (69%) of respondents said violence by Muslims against the American military in the U.S. is not acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world; almost one-quarter (24%) said violence by Muslims against the American military in the U.S. is acceptable; almost one-tenth (7%) did not answer.

We also asked the following question regarding views on violence: “Is violence by Muslims against American government officials acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world?”

As the graph shows, three-quarters (75%) of respondents said violence by Muslims against American government officials is not acceptable, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world; almost one-fifth (17%) said violence by Muslims against American government officials is acceptable; almost one-tenth (8%) did not answer.

We asked this final question regarding views on violence: “If you learned about a plot by Muslims to attack targets inside America, would you tell law enforcement authorities?”

As the graph shows, more than three-quarters (76%) of respondents said that if they learned about a plot by Muslims to attack targets inside America, they would tell law enforcement authorities; more than one-tenth (13%) said that if they learned about a plot by Muslims to attack targets inside America, they would not tell law enforcement authorities; more than one-tenth (11%) did not answer.

The issue that most divided the respondents was violence against American military targets overseas, presumably because American soldiers in places like Afghanistan or Iraq are “on the battlefield,” or because some respondents may view those soldiers as trespassing on “Muslim land.”

The majority of respondents said violence is not acceptable against most of these targets, in retaliation for the American government’s actions in the Muslim world. The majority also said they would report a plot if they discovered one. There are a several possible explanations. First, some of these respondents may be satisfied with American policies in the Muslim world. Second, if the majority of respondents are not satisfied with American policies, some may believe that violence against American targets cannot change those policies. Third, some may believe that there are non-violent means, such as political lobbying, to change those policies. Fourth, some may believe that, regardless of the effectiveness of violence in changing American policies, the protection of American Muslims is a greater priority; after all, violence by Muslims against American targets undermines the security of American Muslims here at home. Fifth, regardless of the effectiveness of violence in changing American policies, some may be opposed to such violence for religious reasons.

Smaller numbers of respondents said violence against American targets inside America is acceptable (although they did not say they themselves intended to engage in such violence), and that they would not report a plot if they discovered one. There are a several possible explanations. First, some of these respondents may believe that the U.S. government’s actions in the Muslim world are so bad, that those actions justify attacks inside the U.S. to punish or deter the U.S. Second, some of these respondents may believe that violence will be effective in changing American policies. Third, some of these respondents may have given up hope that American policies towards the Muslim world can be changed through peaceful means. Fourth, some of these respondents may be willing to sacrifice the “good life,” which many American Muslims enjoy in America, in an attempt to change American foreign policy. (This approach is reminiscent of Malcolm X’s 1964 statement, after his pilgrimage to Mecca, that every time a black church is bombed, a white church should be bombed, because that is the only way to force whites to take collective responsibility for the behavior of the white power structure.) Fifth, some of these respondents may believe that such violence is religiously appropriate.

There may be other explanations why some respondents would not reveal a plot to law enforcement, even if they don’t support the attacks. First, they may be hesitant to put themselves on law enforcement’s radar by coming forward with information, because they may fear that they themselves could eventually become the targets of law enforcement. Second, they may believe it is un-Islamic to report Muslims to the authorities, just as many Orthodox Jews believe that it is wrong for a Jew to turn a fellow Jew in to authorities.

Recommendations

These survey results, on topics that are often not publicly discussed by American Muslims, should encourage American Muslims at the grassroots to begin an open and honest discussion regarding (1) their place in America and their relationship with America, (2) the use of violence by America and against America, (3) and what, if anything, American Muslims can do or are willing to do to help formulate and promote domestic and foreign policies that have the best chance of making Muslims and America safer. Open and honest discussion is the first step towards address the tensions reflected in the survey responses. American Muslim organizations should provide forums for such discussions.

Since 9/11, many Americans of other faiths (or no faith) have been fearful that some American Muslims may pose a threat to this country. These survey results may reinforce those fears. However, Americans of other faiths (or no faith) should be supportive of open and honest discussion about these issues within the American Muslim community. They should refrain from lashing out at American Muslims who are willing to come to the table to openly discuss these controversial issues, because such discussion is healthy for America and for American Muslims. The alternative is keep these issues underground, where we cannot address them together.

Similarly, while government officials will be uncomfortable about some of the views expressed during these American Muslim community discussions, the government should not target American Muslims who voice unpopular opinions, because investigations based on people’s beliefs will stifle discussion and keep tensions hidden.

Furthermore, Americans of other faiths (or no faith) should acknowledge that American Muslims have a variety of views, and Americans of other faiths (or no faith) should avoid painting all American Muslims with a broad brush.

Bio

Kamran Memon is the founder of Muslims of Safe America (www.muslimsforasafeamerica.org), which encourages discussion about how to make Muslims and America safer. He is a civil rights attorney practicing in Chicago. He is a co-founder of the Muslim Bar Association of Chicago and CAIR-Chicago. Before attending the University of Chicago Law School, he was the Editor of Islamic Horizons.